Monday 10 April 2017

Make in India, But How?


From the alarm clock that wakes us up in the morning to the zero-watt bulb that we glow at bedtime, there are innumerable manufactured goods we use every day.  Can we name a few among these which were originally developed and manufactured in India and the rest of the world copied them later?

If you experienced a long pause of silence, it is not surprising.  Of course, we make many products in India but we have mostly depended on others to develop these products first.  And, as long as products are invented, innovated, and/or first manufactured elsewhere, the make in India story will always be viewed as the story of catching-up with others.  The muslin cloth is perhaps the last of the popular goods originally developed and produced in India before industrial revolution moved manufacturing to England and Europe. There onward, the baton moved to the US in the first half of the 20th century, followed by Japan in the post World War II era and finally to the South East Asian countries.  And, this begs the question - Is it now India's turn in the 21st century?  India getting up to speed and firmly carrying this baton forward seems very challenging, for manufacturing does not account for even a seventh of India’s GDP today!  In fact, this lament is quite old and goes back to even pre-independence days.  The forerunner of the modern Indian economists, Justice M.G. Ranade of the then Bombay Presidency had warned in 1892 that the issue of political dominance by the British was receiving far more attention than the formidable though unfelt dominance of skill, pragmatic education, and capital.

At the time of independence, the dark memory etched on the Indian psyche was of foreign traders coming to India to buy muslin cloth but eventually turning masters of the land.  This East India Company phobia coupled with the Russian import of socialistic thinking resulted in Indian government cordoning-off the country from rest of the world.  Moreover, within the domestic economy, private sector was cordoned-off in favour of PSUs in a plethora of strategic sectors such as steel, power, petroleum, defence production, transportation, and telecom.  Furthermore, large and medium enterprises in the private sector were also cordoned-off in favour of SSI sector in about 800 reserved industrial items such as leather, textiles, and electrical goods.  Stringent labour laws, high corporate taxes, and multiplicity of indirect taxes made Indian products noncompetitive in the world market.  These policies provided little incentive for public sector to stay efficient, created unfair competition for the private sector, and blocked SSI sector from investing and growing out of its small scale mould.  The liberalization process that began with stealth in mid-1980s and then overtly in 1991 had some positive impact; however, compulsions of coalition governments, series of scams involving politicians, and, a general inertia in changing the 'licence raj' administrative structures halted policy reform, preventing Indian manufacturing to become internationally competitive.

And this begs the other question – What is it that we must do for Make in India story to unfold?  The answer lies in addressing four issues – removing policy inefficiencies that still continue to stifle manufacturing sector, creating skill and innovation enhancing environment in the country, promoting domestic savings and investments, and, providing macroeconomic stability to businesses.  Each of these measures requires an elaborate discussion.  You will find this discussion in my below referenced paper, “Make in India: Success Stories, Lesson Learnt.”  The paper is based on talks delivered by CXOs of four successful Indian multinationals that began as small scale units around the 1991 liberalization period and represent four very diverse manufacturing sectors.  What I have attempted is to galvanize their experiences with principles of economic theory:

Sunday 29 January 2017

CSR as Mandatory Trusteeship is an Oxymoron!



Corporate social responsibility or CSR as we know it today, has always been a part of Indian culture and history.  Traditionally, business communities have always supported construction of dharmashalas, panjrapols, ghats, and pathshalas.  In one of the earliest printed books in India published in 1863, the author Govid Madgaokar makes a mention of annachhatras patronized by the rich in the nineteenth century Mumbai.  In modern day equivalents, these can be termed as holiday inns, animal-health clinics, river-fronts, primary schools, and charity dining halls.  Today, of course, from food to fundamental research, the spectrum of CSR activities is very wide.  This includes provision of mid-day meals through Akshay Patra foundation to patronizing fundamental research since the early years of independence through institutions such as Tata Institute of Fundamental Research (TIFR).

Why would businesses undertake such CSR activities?  It turns out that society understands that free market fails to deliver right quantity and quality of merit goods such as education, health, and environmental sustainability.  For example, social benefit of educating poor young girls is much higher than the private benefit that accrues to those girls.  Economist and evangelical supporter of free enterprise, late Milton Friedman had said that a corporate executive’s responsibility is to make as much money as possible, provided he confirms to the basic rules of law and ethical system.  The qualification he makes about ethical system is important, for profits are inextricably linked to communities and environment without which a firm cannot operate effectively.  Though it is not obvious, CSR efforts help a firm improve the Triple Bottom Line (TBL) of profit, people and planet.  Two centuries prior to Friedman, father of modern economics, Adam Smith had also echoed this social responsibility aspect of business in his treatise, The Theory of Moral Sentiments.  And, in the Indian subcontinent, it was father of the nation, Mahatma Gandhi who invoked the notion of Voluntary Trusteeship through individual philanthropy.  Industrialist G.D. Birla, for example, was always very liberal in donating money to Gandhi if any of his projects were held back due to want of money.

Of course, CSR is not the main activity of corporates and there is no denying that one of the very raison d'ĂȘtre for the existence of a government is to provide merit goods.  After India’s independence, the statist model advocated by the first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru, characterized social responsibility as an overarching state-driven endeavor.  However, following the Soviet model, state started dictating terms in each and every sphere of economic life.  This came at a heavy price – gross neglect of provision of merit goods.  Experience of seven decades since independence and the low levels of human development indices show a glaring state failure on this front.  Perhaps the abject failure on the part of government has now forced it to co-opt private sector in CSR activities through the new Companies Act of 2013.  In quite a few countries such as Australia, Denmark, France, Holland, Norway, and Sweden, while CSR reporting is mandatory, CSR spending remains a voluntary act.  India is the only country in the world, where both reporting and spending on CSR is mandatory for a certain section of the firms.  The Gandhian principle of voluntary trusteeship has been trapped in the legal net, reformulating it in what I call as the Mandatory Trusteeship!

It is true that government has the coercive power to impose mandatory trusteeship and corporates cannot wish it away.  However, the perception of various stakeholders in the economy can be gauged from a spectrum of opinions – Arguing from the left of the centre, the opinion would be that the government has abdicated its own responsibility.  Instead of asking firms to spend two per cent on CSR activities, government could have raised corporate tax by two per cent, prioritized the socially beneficial activities, and spent the tax collection in its own right.  On the other hand, arguing from the right of the centre, forcing a mandatory spending of two per cent of profits on CSR amounts to increasing corporate tax-rate by two per cent.  Already a 34.6 per cent corporate tax-rate in India is higher than the global average of just about 24 per cent.  Mandatory two per cent spending on CSR makes Indian corporates less competitive globally.  Moreover, arguing from a centrist perspective, it seems absurd to force CSR spending on corporates.  CSR is viewed as an inspirational activity which comes voluntarily from within.  Therefore, voluntary CSR mandated by law, a sort of mandatory trusteeship, is an oxymoron.

The new CSR norms apply to firms with a net profit of Rs. 5 crore and more, and/or a net worth of Rs. 500 crore and more, and/or a turnover of Rs. 1000 crore and more.  These firms must spend two per cent of their average net profits made during three immediately preceding financial years.  For this, firms have to form CSR Committees and their boards must mandatorily report the CSR activities.  Moreover, the spending has to be on about dozen eligible activities as per the law, which includes spending on items such as healthcare, education, poverty eradication, gender equity, as also contribution to Prime Minister's National Relief Fund.  The spending cannot be related to the firms’ own business activities.  These norms and processes are indicative of potentially inordinate administrative burden imposed by the act, both on the government and the firms.  In fact, studies have shown that the potential mandatory CSR spending was expected to be much more than Rs. 25,000 crore a year.  However, the actual spending has turned out to be only about Rs.5,000 crore.  Moreover, a survey conducted in December 2015 showed that among top 84 firms by market capitalization, only 38 per cent of them had spent two per cent of profits on CSR.   Furthermore, if we are to go by the experience of many decades of License Raj, the coercive policies of the government may create perverse and obfuscating reactions from stakeholders.  This may happen at all three stages – implementation, monitoring, and punitive actions.

The eligible list of CSR activities as laid down in CSR norms seems broad but not broader enough.  Almost all the eligible activities prescribed by the CSR norms come under the category of philanthropy through donations or running CSR foundations.  However, there are two other channels of CSR activities that do not get covered under the norms.  First,when firms improve their operational efficiency, say by developing smart-building solutions that contribute to reduced energy consumption, and/or they convert their food waste into biogas, and/or they ensure that mercury from the used CFL bulbs and tube-lights is recycled using a special crusher; these activities improve the triple bottom line of profits, people and planet.  Second, transformational business models by firms such as say drip irrigation initiative may also contribute to triple bottom line.  Selling drip irrigation system may increase firm’s profit, increase farmers’ land productivity and income, improve resource sustainability by lowering salinity ingress, and, importantly, conserve water for the society.  In its own interest firm may give loans to and buy-back produce from farmers for this initiative to succeed.  Such activities do not fall under the CSR activities specified under the companies act.  Now, to fulfill the straight-jacketed mandatory requirements, firms may anchor their CSR efforts away from such activities.  Clearly there will be a qualitative anchoring away from efforts, which in fact, improve the triple bottom line of profits, people, and planet.

The two per cent mandatory norm may create another kind of anchoring effect, this time a quantitative anchoring effect, which also may adversely affect CSR initiatives.  Experimental studies (including one at IIMA) suggest that quantitative anchoring effect may lower CSR spending by firms that are already voluntarily spending more than two per cent or were planning to spend more than two per cent.  Once a legal yardstick of two per cent is created, firms may reassess their CSR activities and anchor their spendings down to match the bare minimum new legal yardstick.

All in all, therefore, government may want to do a rethink on the mandatory trusteeship.  A reconsideration of Friedman, Smith, and Gandhi’s ideas of rules of ethics, moral sentiments, and voluntary trusteeship could be a step towards saving the firms’ CSR from getting trapped in the legal net.

Views are personal.  Read original journal article here.